Sargent Shriver address, tape 1.

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    [Shriver, Sargent] Thank you very much. Dr Eugene Carson Blake. Mr. Moderator.
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    William Thompson. [Thompson, William P. ] Reverend Ray Swartzback [Swarzback, Raymond H.], the
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    chairman of the.
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    Committee of the Board of National Missions, which just presented
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    the recommendations of that special board to this Assembly. And
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    members of the General Assembly
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    of the Presbyterian Church. I am extremely honored to be
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    here. To have heard from the wings. The
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    report of your Board of National Missions.
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    And to say right away that I am not only in
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    support of that report, but all of us at the Office of Economic
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    Opportunity in Washington are deeply grateful to you for the support
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    given to this program last year. And for the encouragement and advice and counsel
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    which we have received from you and from your representatives during the first seven months of our
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    operation.
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    Of course looking out over this audience. I do realize perhaps for the first time
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    what it feels like to be an observer at the Vatican Council.
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    When I don't want the occasion to pass without congratulating you on your ecumenical spirit.
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    Recently I read in The New York Times that you even have a
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    Presbyterian pope.
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    And naturally as a Catholic we got him on our National Advisory Council.
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    Of course Dr Blake's [Blake, Eugene Carson] presence there is very helpful
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    when people ask me or tell me that
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    I'm violating the principle of separation of church and state, I have a new and simple
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    answer. Which church?
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    We did have a few interesting anecdotes that occurred in the early days of the Peace Corps
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    along that line. Naturally, we were extremely sensitive to any such
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    criticism. We wanted to be certain that we were actually operating our program in conformity with the
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    spirit and the letter of the Constitution. We, in carrying out
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    that responsibility sent a large number of people into Latin America,
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    where, as many of you know, in the rural villages there are sometimes very restricted housing
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    available for anybody. One of our boys in Chile, a Jewish boy from Brooklyn as a
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    matter of fact, found himself about three hundred miles south of Santiago Chile,
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    assigned to a village where we not had not made adequate preparation for his housing.
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    When he arrived there was no place to stay with the local except with a local Catholic priest.
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    So he moved into the rectory. One of our officials, making a
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    regular inspection trip, found this several months later and said that this fellow had to get out of there
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    right away, that we were violating this principle of separation of church and
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    state having him live in this house.
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    About two months later the same official came back, and the fellow was still living in the same place. He said listen
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    you've got to get out of here! And there's no more excuses.
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    And the fellow says, "I won't leave." And he said, " What do you mean you won't leave? You have got to leave." He said, "I won't leave."
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    He said, "Well, explain to me why won't you leave? You understand the principle." He said
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    well I've come up against another situation. In the first place I've been here now for four or five months.
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    And most of the people in this village now call me Padre.
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    He said I'm not really interested just in the prestige that comes along with that, but I get a forty percent discount at
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    all the local stores."
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    Lots of funny things do happen down in Washington. Last year the president, President
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    Johnson, honored me and sent me on a trip around the world during the course of which I
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    delivered messages on his behalf to a number of heads of state. And, I
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    was rather swollen up with pride I'm afraid at that point. When I got back however a journalist in Washington
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    pricked my balloon. He said In the old days it used to be that you could tell the signs of the
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    times in Washington. For example, when the cherry blossoms bloomed, you knew it was spring.
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    "And this year," he said. It was in nineteen sixty-four. He said, "There's a new sign."
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    He said, "When a Southern Protestant president sends a northern
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    Roman Catholic to deliver a message to an Italian
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    pope
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    in Jerusalem," he said, "That's a sign of an election
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    year."
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    Well among all the amusements of Washington and some of the
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    accusations and charges that go back and forth,
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    nothing has more impressed me than the statement which occurred,
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    which appeared in your report, the report of your special committee last year, the standing committee.
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    In one sentence the report stated, and I'm
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    quoting from it. "When a nation fights for its soul, who but the church
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    should set the context for that struggle?"
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    When a nation fights for its soul, who but the church should set the context
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    for that struggle? Well my answer of course
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    is the same as yours. No one. Those words are
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    correct. We need the conscience of the church in the war against poverty
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    because the War Against Poverty is fundamentally
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    a nation fighting to preserve its soul.
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    But just because of that, there's a danger. A very real danger that we,
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    each of us, will try to subvert this new enterprise to our own ends.
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    And even the church is not immune from this danger.
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    T. S. Eliot has some wonderful words in "Murder
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    in the Cathedral." One couplet went,
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    The Last Temptation is the greatest treason. To do the right
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    deed for the wrong reason." And another point
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    in the same play, he said this.
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    "For those who serve the greater cause,
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    May make the cause serve them.
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    Still doing right and striving with
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    political men, may make that cause political,
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    not by what by what they do,
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    but by what they are."
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    In substance Eliot is telling us that there is a politics of religion and
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    a politics of morality, as well as Republican and Democratic politics.
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    There are interdenominational politics,
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    and there are even political aspects to the relationships between clergy and laity within
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    each denomination. In all these types of politics,
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    those who serve the greater cause can make the
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    cause serve them. And that's where the real danger
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    lies. The spiritual danger that the War on Poverty
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    might degenerate into a series of power struggles.
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    Hoping the poor could become a cover,
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    a cover for establishing stakeouts geographical
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    professional political and even denominational
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    stakeouts at the expense of the poor.
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    Within each of these stakeouts, the social worker,
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    the educator, the lawyer, the politician, and the
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    clergyman will render certain kinds of assistance,
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    but in return they will exact a price, a reward.
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    And those rewards can take many forms. High salaries
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    for example, get lots of publicity, but
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    sometimes I think they're the least invidious. At worst
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    high salaries would exemplify only greed, not the
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    most lethal of the deadly sins. Image,
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    reputation, power, votes, and worst of
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    all, enforced dependency, both physical and
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    spiritual, are prices much more costly than dollars.
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    Than the dollars involved in high salaries. And these
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    qualities: image, reputation, enforced
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    dependency, they represent the greatest sin, the
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    sin of pride, the unpardonable sin of Lucifer
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    himself. You all know the
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    phrase in the Bible, "Pride's beginning is man's revolt from
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    God." When the heart forgets its maker and of all
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    sin, pride is the root. Pride can cost us this
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    war on poverty. Pride can cost us up our very
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    souls individually and as a nation. For let us be
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    completely frank, we are in the midst of a revolution. A social
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    revolution, a revolution in demand, in expectation, in
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    hopes and aspirations. You in your
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    way and we in ours, are struggling to meet that demand.
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    Your annual report tells about your efforts. Hours are summarized
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    in our report to Congress. But no matter how well we do, no matter
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    how valiant our efforts, no matter how good our reports
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    look. One thing is already clear that the demand and the
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    expectation have already begun to overtake the
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    supply. The demand has overtaken the
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    resources which we can muster using our traditional established
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    methods. Tapping our traditional reserves. And
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    taxing our present manpower to the maximum. We can
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    respond to this new demand in two ways. We can try to meet
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    it or we can take various measures to
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    dampen it, to quiet it down, to defer our reaction,
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    and in reality to reject the challenge.
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    And the danger of politics. Well that's the politics of power. Or the
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    politics of professionalism. Or the politics of religion. Is
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    that we will take the latter course. We will reduce the demand. Lower
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    expectations, temporize, delay.
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    We won't do that openly.
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    We're too clever. We're too crafty.
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    We're too wise in the ways of the world for that. We'll say all the right
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    words. We'll take all the right stances. And we'll make all the
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    right gestures. We will say we're doing our best. We'll
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    raise more funds. We'll hire more staff. We'll train more experts and professionals.
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    But we will admit we will fail. When we say
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    we're doing our own. We're doing our best. We will fail to add the
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    significant words
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    "on our own terms." We're
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    doing our best
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    on our own terms.
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    You know the standard ways and the standard rationales. They're the
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    sanctified literature, liturgy of any bureaucracy church or political.
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    We will demarcate areas of responsibility. We will establish
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    procedures and promote promulgate regulations. Down in Washington
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    we'll issue a three-page job description for every job. We'll set up
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    criteria And devise forms to fill out in triplicate to
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    tell you who's eligible for aid and who is ineligible.
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    But we will retain control over the power to make
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    or remake any one of those decisions. We will do all this. And
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    we'll look very righteous, but we will have imposed
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    a continued dependency and subserviency
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    as the price of our assistance. And the poor,
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    let me tell you, the poor will read that message loud and clear.
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    There is another way.
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    But the other way is risky. It's dangerous. And it's
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    embarrassing because it frequently discloses our own
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    weaknesses. A Peace Corps volunteer in Chimbote,
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    Peru, a young fellow named Tom Carter, wrote me a letter.
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    And he described the other way. He didn't know he was describing it, but
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    this is what he said. He said, "My job is to get these people, my neighbors,
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    There is a significant phrase "my neighbors."
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    organized to make them better able to compete in the city for
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    their rights and to try and get them to raise their standard of living
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    back to the human race."
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    In one sentence, that's the Community Action Program
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    in the war against poverty. He went on. He said, I teach in the local school
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    during the day. And, I teach carpentry to adults at night. Both of these are
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    important jobs, but I consider them only a tool.
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    Teaching kids is fun for
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    me and it's hilarious for the roughhousing students,
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    but it's only an excuse for being in the slum.
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    In the bariata, it's
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    called. For example, our school has no roof
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    It would be a ten dollar project and about one day's
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    labor for two or three Peace Corps volunteers to build that roof.
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    Yet we won't do it. If we
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    gave my school a roof, it would always be that--a gift.
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    It would be a gift. The gringos roof. When it needed fixing no
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    one would fix it.
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    If it takes me a year to talk my neighbours into putting on that roof, it will be
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    worth it because it will then be their roof on their school.
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    It would be a small start,
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    but in the right direction. Maybe then we could take on a little harder project,
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    and step by step build up a powerful organization,
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    interested in progress and strong enough to do something about it. It has to be
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    an organization that does not need me. Otherwise it would collapse when I leave."
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    That's story is typical
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    of Peace Corps volunteers that work in community development we call it in the Peace Corps
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    all over the world and especially in Latin America. Here at
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    home in the war against poverty, we call it "community action."
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    It's the same thing whether it's in Columbus or in Chimbote, Peru.
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    Whether it's in Chicago or Rio.
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    Community Action means what that young man described.
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    Bringing in to being n organization strong enough to speak
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    up for the rights of the poor and to get those rights fulfilled.
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    Doing that however involves of surrender. Of some of our own power
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    We North Americans in our end Latin America surrender our own
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    power in the Peace Corps. To dictate how everything is to be done
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    We don't go down there and force them to learn English we learn
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    Spanish.
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    We don't force them to get accustomed to our kind of food or to import our who we eat
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    there. We don't say that the way we solve a problem a
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    problem in municipal government is the way they've got to solve it. We try
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    to help them solve their problems in very ways.
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    This has led many of our people to to realize. That our way
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    is not always the best way and our language isn't necessarily the most beautiful language
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    And our attitudes about things in the world are not always the right attitudes.
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    That's education, but it's also revelation.
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    It is giving those people control over their own destiny.
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    Interestingly enough, it's rather easy for all of us in the United States
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    to extol the work of the Peace Corps volunteers in Community Development in
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    Latin America. But when it becomes community action in New York City,
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    that's a different matter.
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    And the power structures, whether they are Democratic or Republican makes no difference.
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    Whether they are church or professional social worker
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    or private philanthropic groups, they all react the same way
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    here just as they do in Latin America. Down there, there are the
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    people in charge of the city Chimbote. They don't like the community action
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    in the slums. And up here the same thing
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    sometimes occurs.
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    We've got to come to realize that even in some of our most
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    cherished institutions that some of our approaches can actually
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    create poverty and impose an
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    inferior status on people. For example, in the public schools,
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    and probably in the parochial schools too,
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    but in the public schools, Edgar Friedenberg [Friedenberg, Edgar Z.] recently
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    wrote a book about it in which he said the most tragic thing that happens to lower
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    status youngsters in school is that they learn to accept
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    the prevailing judgment of their own worth.
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    And that occurs in many other institutions, not just school.
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    All those institutions which appear to be helping the poor,
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    which look as if they're doing charitable work,
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    but which all too often exact a humiliation and
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    embarrassment from the recipient as a price
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    of the assistance. We had a conference in Tucson Arizona not
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    long ago on poverty in the Southwest. And we took the
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    trouble to bring to that conference a number of poor people. And we let them get up and tell us what
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    poverty was like. And one of them was a negro woman from Pueblo Colorado.
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    She had never had more than an eighth grade education. Her name was Janice
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    Bradshaw. And this is what she said.
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    Poverty is a personal thing. Poverty is taking your children to
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    the hospital and spending the whole day waiting with no one even taking your name,
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    and then coming back the next day and the next until finally they get around to you.
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    Poverty is having a landlady who is a public health nurse.
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    Who turns off the heat when she leaves for work at six am in the morning. And turns it
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    back on at six P.M. when she comes home. It's being hopeless to do anything
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    about this. Because by the time the officials get around to looking into it,
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    she's turned the heat back on for that day. But then the next day, it will be
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    off again. Poverty is having the welfare investigators break into your
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    home in the middle of the night and tell you that you have been
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    taken off of welfare. And when you asked for an explanation,
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    you go downtown. They tell you it's because they found a pair of men's
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    house slippers in the attic where your brother left them when he
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    visited you last Christmas. Poverty is having a child with glaucoma
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    and watching that eye condition grow worse every day while the
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    welfare officials send you to the private agencies and the private agencies send you back to
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    welfare. And when you ask their welfare officials to refer you
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    to a special hospital, they say they can't do that. And then when you say it's
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    prejudice, and they won't refer you because you're a Negro, they shout at you.
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    And they say name one child, white child, we have referred there,
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    and when you name twenty five, they sit down and they shut up.
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    And then they finally refer you,
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    but it's too late Because your child has permanently lost eighty percent of his
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    vision. And the doctors tell you that if only they had caught it a
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    month earlier when you first made an inquiry about that film
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    over his eyes, they could have preserved his vision.
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    That's poverty. Does that sound like we're helping the poor?
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    Judging from your own annual report, the same difficulties, the same
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    implied rejections of the poor are built in the organization and location
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    and structure of the church.
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    One of these is a rejection in style. Perhaps you read about the
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    work of Chaplain Burke at the Erie County Detention Home.
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    He found that the. Boys in this detention home
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    didn't respond to biblical stories. And so he said to
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    them, you rewrite these stories in your own words you boys. And he
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    got back a story that Jesus was not born in Bethlehem but in
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    Buffalo. During a convention when every hotel room was filled.
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    His stable was a hot dog stand in Delaware Park.
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    They rewrote the twenty third Psalm and it ran like
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    this. The Lord is my probation officer. He will help me.
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    He tries to help me make it every day. He makes
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    me play it cool.
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    That kind of language or feeling strips us of a lot of our
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    pretentiousness about sub professionals and indigenous leaders
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    replication counterproductive. And all that in group
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    jargon which we use to hide lack of activity.
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    [applause]
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    And perhaps all those good upstanding citizens in New York City who stood around, thirty-
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    nine of them, I think there were, when a woman was murdered in broad daylight
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    right in front of their eyes could have benefited from the story of the Good Samaritan
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    as rewritten by the same boys in the county detention home.
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    They said the Good Samaritan became the cool
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    square who helped a mugged victim after a hood and a
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    squeak had passed him by.
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    You don't have to be a square to show love and to be sorry for
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    someone and to help a guy. The parable ends,
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    but get with it, man. That's what God wants you to do.
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    Or to use the words of your own report. The church must minister to
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    and lead people in these days with the Gospel revealed in
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    the time of the ox, the camel, the whore, and the water jug. When slavery
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    was the lot for most people and doing that means more than
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    merely a change in style because the problems run deeper than words.
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    You know what those issues are. Accessibility
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    is one of them. Just being where people can
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    reach you. A sense of welcome is another. The
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    use of laymen is a third. Denominational
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    rivalry is a fourth. Cooperation with other
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    professions is a fifth.
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    And that list, that list, I got it right out of your own report.
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    Those are the items in your report which you chose
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    to highlight. Certain specific incidents that have occurred
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    that you thought were laudatory. The wedding which was
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    performed in a Minneapolis tavern. So the couple's friends
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    would feel at ease. The plans of the clergy in Chicago of all faiths that set up a
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    central office. So that it would be prompt referral and response to laymen's
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    calls. The arrangements for the riverfront church center to establish a
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    night time ministry and round the clock telephone service manned by
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    volunteers to take calls from people in distress.
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    The use in high rise apartments of sensitive
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    laymen at the reception desk to give spiritual guidance and counsel to the
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    poor. And most moving of all that story from Chicago,
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    and I quote it, after dark men
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    roam the streets aimlessly. One who roams with a purpose
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    is the Reverend George Morey [George M. Morey], a free wheeling minister for the United Presbyterian
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    Church, operating without benefit of church or choir or pulpit.
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    he talks to people where he finds. Frequently in a pizza parlor.
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    Wilson Avenue. Uptown's
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    main stem and Mr Morey's beat. It is, he
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    says, a road littered with illiteracy,
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    folk religion, strange moral customs, common law marriages,
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    family breakdown, unskilled and unemployable
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    labor. Less than ten percent of these Southern whites
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    have any church time. Fewer than one hundred persons are
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    related to any major church denomination. The roving
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    pastor lends a ministering hand where he can. Helps to find jobs.
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    Visits people in jail. Listens to trouble.
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    His object to demonstrate that Jesus
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    Christ does care about these pilgrims in a
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    foreign land.
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    As I read these stories, you know what struck me?
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    They are the exception,
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    not the rule. They're the things that you and all of us are proud of.
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    The isolated incidents which we, where we have followed the
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    dictates of conscience, rather than convenience.
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    But the day must come and come soon when these do not stand as idle
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    isolated examples as anecdotes. When they're so common and so
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    pervasive and yet so true
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    to the original vision and mission of our Lord that we can talk,
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    not just about individual clergymen, but about the
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    church, the living church. Not a building.
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    Not a school. Not a style of architecture
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    but a living, moving force in the affairs of men.
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    For once more, in your own words,
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    when a nation fights for its soul, who but the church should
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    set the context for that struggle. You will set
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    the context if you face up to the danger that even God's
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    work can become political, denominational, bureaucratic.
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    Among your report, there is one called
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    sober thoughts from a presbytery executive.
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    I'd like permission to paraphrase that report and
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    even leave out a sentence or two. And I'd like to add a comment.
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    And if I did,
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    this would be, I think, the best guarantee that you in this nation
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    will win in this struggle to preserve its soul.
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    This is what the reports say. How shall we structure the
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    congregation for mission? There's a growing impatience
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    with the structured church and normal congregation. Emphasis on
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    detached ministry, on community organization,
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    and on power structures is called for. I agree with the author.
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    But then I detect a note,
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    may I say, a note of faint heartedness.
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    The author feels he's becoming too exposed. Too much alone,
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    for he says,
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    "But when in our enthusiasm we desert the gathered
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    church, we are in danger of moving beyond our supply lines.
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    With growing decentralization of administration, there is a
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    budgeting shift which threatens our General Assembly
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    general mission. It's good," he then goes on,
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    "to shift responsibility to local levels. But there is need
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    to look further down the road."
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    But if we would only look just a bit further down that same road,
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    I think that you will see a church
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    with no supply lines, no visible supply lines.
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    With a structure with no visible budgets or budgeting shifts.
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    You will see that you have crossed old frontiers and instead of the
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    tranquillity you dream about, you will find yourself with our Lord
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    on the road way to Jerusalem.
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    Even to the cross. And on the cross.
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    There was never a more exposed or
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    lonely figure in human history than that.
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    man, who truly conquered all
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    and made it possible for each of us, and for every
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    nation to preserve its soul. Thank you. [Applause]
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    [Thompson, William P. speaking] I'm sure I speak for the entire assembly when I say to Mr Shriver that we are
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    greatly in his debt for this very moving address.
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    The motion before the House is to
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    adopt Section three of the report. There is a commissioner at microphone
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    four.
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    William Curtin, Maumee Presbytery. And I wonder, Mr Moderator, if
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    we might have this excellent address in print?
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    [applause]
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    We shall inquire and make every effort to obtain it. At microphone one. Mr
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    Moderator. I am William Eisenhower [Eishower, William M., pastor Bakersfield Northminster] from San Joaquin Presbytery.
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    Am I in order to make a an addition to
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    section three? You are.
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    I'd like to move, sir,
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    Page thirteen,
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    A,
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    an addition, an additional paragraph
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    three, for the recommendations there
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    "That we
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    call on the church to support governmental agencies in making
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    family planning information and aids available to
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    those who desire them." So moved.
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    Is your motion available in writing, sir? Yes, it is, sir.
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    The chair is not clear at what point this is to be added.
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    Page thirteen under the under A "The
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    context for social for mssion with
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    deprived persons." Yes. I'm adding to the recommendations
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    a third recommendation at the end of the first
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    paragraph.
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    I see. I see. Is there a second?
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    The motion has been seconded.
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    Will the commissioner speak to the motion? Only briefly. Just to say that
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    that as I meet, not too often because I'm in the suburbs,
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    but I do meet them in the probation hall and P.T.A.
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    meetings as I move in the different parts of the city to speak on child
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    rearing practices to discover that this is a real
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    concern to many who bring into the world children they really don't want
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    because somehow, society with all the knowledge that's available on the
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    family planning, simply still does not quite get to these
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    people who are depressed and deprived and somehow missed this
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    kind of thing and it seems to me as the governmental agencies are now tentatively
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    beginning one by one to experiment with providing
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    this information and these aids to those who desire them. That certainly the
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    church ought to begin to to support this movement.
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    Because if we were to say, we have said a lot about the crying needs of this
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    world, but we could tell story after story of the
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    deprived, rejected child who is unwanted year
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    one month to five years of age and this is where the great
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    misery of the world exists today.
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    [Thompson] The Chair will recognize the chairman of the Standing Committee [Swartzback, Raymond H.] to indicate the
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    position of the committee on this point. And then we'll recognize the commissioner at microphone
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    three. Mr. Moderator, the Standing Committee
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    recognizes the urgency of this matter and we are certainly in agreement with the
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    supposition. We were advised that this was to be handled
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    by Church and Society. And so it would be our recommendation that this,
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    if it's not in the Church and Society report, be introduced at that time
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    as part of their major report.
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    I'll be happy to withdraw this. I think my seconder will. And we will present it then, if it
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    is not
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    in their report. The commissioner who seconded the motion willing that it be withdrawn?
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    It is withdrawn. The
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    Chair recognizes the commissioner at microphone three. My name is Morton
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    Kahn. I am from the Cayuga-Syracuse Presbytery. I'm here
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    to raise a question. I commend the committee on the third.
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    Section three of this report. It's excellence but I
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    fail to see a mention
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    of something that very often men-, when it failed to mentioned. And that is the
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    question of migrants. In this country. I know that probably it's
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    the intent under National Missions and in speaking of the
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    culturally deprived people to
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    include them. On the other hand,
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    without it being specifically spelled out, I submit that as is
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    usually the case, most of us when we speak of our neighborhood problems and
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    pockets of poverty very often leave out this segment of
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    people who are not even second class citizens, who are
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    unique.
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    Their uniqueness lies in the very fact of migrancy, belonging to no one
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    community. And this does not lessen our
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    responsibility. And I feel that perhaps we should specifically, in this
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    report somewhere, call attention to each of us
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    as we go back, that this is a very real problem in our communities.
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    And that they should not continue to be forgotten.
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    Thank you, sir. The chair recognizes the chairman of the Standing Committee to respond.
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    Mr Moderator, this matter was brought to the Standing Committee. We were informed
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    at that time that this had come before the General Assembly two years
  • speaker
    ago. At that time a decade of
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    projection is was approved and these projections relative to the
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    migrant ministry are in effect.
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    Microphone one.
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    Moderator, Hayward [Hayward, Robert B.] from Buffalo. I'm chairman of
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    our local committee on urban church. And, I wish to commend
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    the Board for this policy statement. It has been in our hands for the past several
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    months. And we found it to be a very helpful and a very supportive instrument
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    as we try to deal with some of the problems in the city. Thank you, sir.
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    There is a commissioner approaching microphone four.
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    Mr. Moderator, Brown [Brown, Lewis Sarle] of Philadelphia. I should like to ask
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    for a bit of information about number three on
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    page fifteen. The implementing
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    role the church may actually share in the implementation of some programs made
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    possible by the funds of the federal poverty program.
  • speaker
    In Philadelphia we pick up the paper and read about the poverty program and we are not
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    surprised, having a Roman Catholic Democratic mayor, to suddenly read that
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    the millions will be distributed in the following fashion. And
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    then they list as one item the Cardinal's Committee so many million.
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    There are some of us who are
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    just a bit shocked at the great joke that the traditional
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    separation of church and state has become. There was a time
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    when certain leaders of our church spoke out against the church receiving funds from
  • speaker
    the federal government.
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    A few citations from certain churches, a few medals
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    and honors, and suddenly we hear no more about churches paying their own way and even
  • speaker
    offering to pay taxes on their property.
  • speaker
    We read Time magazine recently in which a brilliant editor
  • speaker
    simply pointed out the fact
  • speaker
    That the Roman Catholic Church for the first time in American history is about to
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    receive millions of dollars
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    from the taxpayers through an act of Congress. This being brought
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    about by the ecumenical movement.
  • speaker
    All other such efforts had failed year after year.
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    But now we have a great ecumenical movement in which my church is a leader.
  • speaker
    And suddenly any church who wants federal funds, finds in a good sweet
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    spirit of brotherly love that they may obtain them. And we remain silent.
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    We recall that there is a problem. There
  • speaker
    is a poverty problem. It's mostly in Roman Catholic
  • speaker
    countries.
  • speaker
    Those of us, who for years listened to John Mackay [Mackay, John A., President Princeton Theological Seminary] remember quite well when he
  • speaker
    told us that one of the leading Roman Catholic politicians of South America
  • speaker
    said to him, "Sir, the difference between North America and South America is not
  • speaker
    natural resources.
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    The difference is not people. The difference is that in
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    one
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    continent there was the Protestant church. In the other there was absolute domination by
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    the Roman Catholic Church.
  • speaker
    We have a problem in Vietnam, which is referred to by one
  • speaker
    writer in hundreds of newspapers as Cardinal Spellman's war.
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    We have a problem in the Dominican Republic because the only duly elected
  • speaker
    representative government was tossed out when it refused longer to pick up the check for
  • speaker
    total expenses of the Roman Catholic Church.
  • speaker
    We have a great many problems because there are those who would
  • speaker
    like to see the churches share in the federal funds
  • speaker
    whenever they're dished out.
  • speaker
    I come from a very conservative presbytery that
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    apparently is out of step.
  • speaker
    Some time ago for one of our Presbyterian projects, we were offered a sum of four
  • speaker
    hundred thousand dollars by the politicians.
  • speaker
    We asked where does this money come from? We were told quite simply that we
  • speaker
    go out with the threat of a federal penitentiary turn. And we say to
  • speaker
    Jews, atheists, people who have no concern whatever for
  • speaker
    Presbyterian institutions, hand us your money. And we're happy to hand
  • speaker
    over to you this four hundred thousand dollars. The Philadelphia
  • speaker
    Presbytery unwilling to sell its Presbyterian heritage for a mess of
  • speaker
    political pottage decided to reject in its entirety this
  • speaker
    four hundred thousand dollars gift. This was not a loan. This was a gift.
  • speaker
    Some of us are disturbed by the absolute silence of our leaders
  • speaker
    today
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    when the federal funds are involved. And I should like to
  • speaker
    ask, sir, for some clarification. In other words, do we heartily approve
  • speaker
    when millions of dollars in a poverty stricken city are to be handed out
  • speaker
    by the Cardinal's Committee?
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    Mr. Ramage [Ramage, David, Jr.] will speak to this.
  • speaker
    If I could call your attention to page thirteen in the proposed
  • speaker
    guidelines at the bottom of the page,
  • speaker
    number three. Act as a critique of public
  • speaker
    policy, assuming a function of constructive criticism
  • speaker
    in relation to any apparent shortcomings or
  • speaker
    perversions of any programs intended to help the
  • speaker
    poor.
  • speaker
    These guidelines call on the church to do that and do it responsibly.
  • speaker
    But since these guidelines are concerned about the church
  • speaker
    finding ways to aid the poor, where there are situations in which
  • speaker
    no other agency can do this job, these
  • speaker
    guidelines suggest that the church make available its facilities
  • speaker
    to do that job.
  • speaker
    Commissioner at microphone one. And, then, if you will approach microphone three, sir.
  • speaker
    Microphone one. Mr Moderator and
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    fathers and brethern. Ken Waterman. Kansas City Presbytery in
  • speaker
    Missouri. I'm sorry now that I've run out of white shirts and put this
  • speaker
    black work shirt on this morning after that
  • speaker
    last question from the floor.
  • speaker
    I happen to be a member of the Human Resources Corporation board of directors that
  • speaker
    administers the Title Two section of the Economic Opportunity Act for
  • speaker
    Kansas City, Missouri, in Jackson County, Missouri. It's a thirteen man board.
  • speaker
    One of the things that
  • speaker
    section one of this report of the Standing Committee talks about the
  • speaker
    extension of the ministry. We won't have to wait until we pick up our
  • speaker
    newspapers to find out what's going on and then only get part of the story.
  • speaker
    The Economic Opportunity Act is very strictly written. And
  • speaker
    I, in my investigations, both in the Office of Economic Opportunity in
  • speaker
    Washington several times, conferring with some of the top executives on Sargent Shriver's
  • speaker
    staff. Representatives in Kansas City and Chicago and my own experiences with the Act.
  • speaker
    I'm afraid, gentlemen, that it's being most scrupulously
  • speaker
    administered. As a matter of fact,
  • speaker
    in some parts of this country, not only in Philadelphia. And I do not know the
  • speaker
    details of the Philadelphia situation, but some Catholic dioceses, as well as
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    councils of churches and other church bodies and denominations,
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    have indeed

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